Live Blogging the Final Presidential Debate

Heritage Experts Live Blog the Final Presidential Debate, Heritage Foundation Foundry, October 22, 2012. "The discussion of the U.S.’s place in the world in tonight’s debate was unsatisfactory. To the extent that it focused directly on that subject, both Obama and Romney sought to reduce it to a question of defense spending, which the President was eager to cut. That is the wrong approach; much better is to assess what the U.S. needs to carry out its responsibilities and budget accordingly. But both men largely fought shy of presenting any larger vision of the U.S.’s role in the world, and sought to focus their remarks on domestic policy."

Reagan's Writings

Reagan As Draftsman, Contentions, February 4, 2011. "Perhaps it’s not in keeping with Reagan’s legacy to lose hope. But I can’t help wondering if Reagan will be our last president who had the ability – even if none of them can be expected to have the time – to write his own speeches. If so, we will have lost something important. A president who cannot write clearly cannot be expected to think clearly either."

George Washington, First Principles, and Foreign Policy

Yes, the Founding Fathers Have Foreign Policy First Principles, Heritage Foundation Foundry, August 26, 2010. "James Downie, standing in for Jonathan Chait at The New Republic, believes that The Heritage Foundation’s view of the relationship between first principles and foreign policy is wrong, and contrary to George Washington’s vision. Inevitably, he seeks to prove his point by quoting Washington’s Farewell Address. His case would be even less persuasive if he’d read a little more, or a little more thoroughly."

The Rule of the People and Foreign Policy

First Princples and Foreign Policy, Heritage Foundation Foundry, Augsut 24, 2010. "One common way of thinking about foreign policy is that it exists in its own world, separate from domestic policy or the first principles on which a nation is founded. According to this view , the job of the foreign policy expert is to deal dispassionately with the world as it is, making no distinction between democracies and dictatorships, and shaping policy solely by cold-hearted consideration of the national interest. The Heritage Foundation has never accepted this way of thinking."

Example #4: Why the U.N.'s Arms Trade Treaty Is a Bad Idea

The Sweet, Sweet Mirage of Consensus, Contentions, October 21, 2009. "Late last week, the Obama administration did what I feared it would do: It endorsed the UN’s Arms Trade Treaty negotiations. The goal is to craft a treaty negotiated and ready for signature by 2012 that would impose standards on the entire conventional arms trade. The projected treaty’s scope is vast."

Margaret Thatcher and "A Real Detente"

How Margaret Thatcher Helped to End the Cold War, Heritage Foundation WebMemo #2631, September 28, 2009. "When Margaret Thatcher came to power in 1979, many in the West had come to believe that the Cold War could not and should not be won, that anti-Communism was morally wrong, and that the future lay in détente between the superpowers and the evolution of democracy into ever-deepening state socialism. By the time she left office, the Berlin Wall had fallen and Eastern Europe was liberated. A year later, the Soviet Union crumbled into the dustbin of history. Democracy and freedom were on the advance."

What Might John Stuart Mill Say About Engagement?

J.S. Mill and Burma, Contentions, August 27, 2009. "Van Jackson, founder and executive editor of Asia Chronicle, has written a column titled 'Principles impede progress for Burma,' attacking those—like a colleague of mine here at the Heritage Foundation—who have the temerity to argue that U.S. policy toward Burma should be based on principles. Jackson, by contrast, prefers the meaningless criterion of effectiveness devoid of any actual objectives. In his pursuit of steely-eyed utilitarianism, Jackson makes the amusing claim that 'British philosopher John Stuart Mill would turn over in his grave at the idea of allowing such a failed policy to continue.' Jackson appears to know just enough about Mill to be dangerous, i.e., that Mill was a utilitarian. True indeed—at least until Mill suffered from a nervous breakdown at the age of 20 and turned to the poetry of the Romantics as a relief from the dust-dry pursuit of utility. Partisans of policy without principle might take a lesson from that."